Note 31. This statement is erroneous. The opinion of the author was formed from statements made by those charged with treason. Many of those under this charge gave false testimony, as was later on proved, and in that testimony implicated honorable Filipinos who had never harbored such ideas in their hearts as those they were accused of. Many of the wealthy element of Luzon and other islands of the group, were forced by threats and compromises into position they had no [155]desire to occupy. Of these the great majority were either insular Spaniards, that is sons of Spanish parents, but born in the Philippines, or they were Spanish mestizos or indians. Some 90% of the wealthy revolutionists were Chinese half-castes.
Note 32. And at what a cost! Think of the thousands of hard earned dollars which went to swell the funds gathered to feed and clothe and to satisfy the fads and fancies of those exploiters. And what has the poor indian who provided the money gained in the deal? Four or five years of bloodshed and disaster he has surely gained; but what is of more importance to him is that he barely escaped falling into the hands of his own countrymen! He fell out of the frying-pan and almost fell into the fire!
Note 33. The aspirations of the association were, to say the least, anti-patriotic; they were always underhand; they were the aspirations of the “Liga”, of the “Compromisarios” and of the Katipunan.[156]
Note 34. “In the following year, Pedro Serrano arrived from Spain and then was masonry introduced into the Philippines, the first lodge instituted being the “Nilad”23 its first Venerable being José Ramos.” Testimony of Moises Salvador y Francisco (fol. 1,138 to 1,143).
According to the testimony of Antonio Salazar (fol. 1,118 to 1,129) “In 1892 Pedro Serrano came from Spain and in union with José Ramos joined a lodge of peninsular Spaniards, and commenced the propaganda of masonry exclusively among Filipinos, in a short time establishing the mother lodge known as the Nilad ... the number of members becoming excessive, other lodges were established in the suburbs....”
Into this lodge Nilad or the lodges formed therefrom, passed all the members of the committee of propaganda and of the local delegations, the work of the propaganda of masonry and that of separatism being carried on in the same lodge room. The plea that masonry had no connection with the Katipunan fails to stand good in face of this [157]testimony, added to which may be mentioned letters of M. del Pilar to La Modestia concerning the organization and labors of separatism; as well as other letters, rich in masonic jargon, to the lodges and to individuals connected with the double work of propagating masonry and spreading among the people ideas of the basest of ingratitude.
To the lodge Nilad, the Gr∴ Sec∴ of the Gr∴ Or∴ Esp∴ wrote from Madrid, June 8th 1892:
AL∴ G∴ D∴ G∴ A∴ D∴ U∴ Liberty.—Equality.—Fraternity. Universal Freemasonry. Spanish Family.
The Resp∴ Log∴ Nilad, No. 144 of A∴ L∴ and A∴ masons of the Philippines regularly constituted in the Federation of the Gr∴ Or∴ Español (seat in Madrid).
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The letter goes on to speak of the new foundation and the number of initiations.
“It pleases us much,” says the Gr∴ Sec∴ “to see the activity and zeal which you employ in the labors, and for it we greet you. Nevertheless, we must remind you always of the greatest care in the election of the laborers. Not all men, although they profess [158]our ideas and doctrines, serve for good masons,...”
Morayta, writing on the 12th of June 1892 to bro∴ Panday Pira, says: “... But do not forget an advice which I believe Ruiz gave you also: be very careful; do not open your arms to any except they be of full confidence.... Remember that, even though things have changed there (in the Philippines) you run all the danger consequent upon the domination (sic) of the friar and of the General.” The general was Despujols, an upright, honest and sincere man who was too apt to measure other people’s corn by his own bushel. The filibusters took advantage of the fact, and by their lying protests of love for Spain, captivated him and fooled him out and out for a time.
Note 35. At that time liberty of association was not allowed by law in the Archipelago. To attain their ends this was the thing most necessary for the separatists. Without the shelter of the law of association nothing could be done except by stealth. It was for want of this privilege that the shelter of the masonic lodge room was sought.[159]
Note 36. Blumentritt, Fernando; of German race, Austrian by nationality, resident in Bohemia and therefore spoken of by various writers sometimes as a German, at others as a Bohemian or an Austrian. Like Foreman24, Blumentritt claimed to be a fervent [160]Catholic and yet was an open enemy of the Church. He claimed moreover to be a great friend of Spain and yet openly sided with her enemies. He was one of the collaborators of the La Solidaridad.
Isabelo de los Reyes writes of him: “The [161]savant (sic) Blumentritt the brother of the Filipinos, has always served us with disinterest (except in what concerned his pocket) and opportuneness. He was the first who did us justice by publishing many valuable articles to demonstrate, under all points of view, the superiority of the Filipino (Isabelo does not say over what) and defending our cause against the ambition of the imperialists (that is the Spaniards).”
Blumentritt was a member of the society known as the “Amigos del Pais”25, and remained so till his actions and writings caused well thinking Spaniards and Philippinos26 to call for his dismissal from its membership. The patriotic outcry against him caused him to resign on the 14th of November 1889; the Solidaridad of the 31st of December of the same year published his resignation. The press of Manila was exceptionally bitter against him and only suchFilipinos as those who continue up to the present time forming part of the juntas in [162]Hong-Kong, Madrid, Paris, London and other places looked up to him for the assistance they could not find at home.
Note 37. It was naturally in the Peninsula where the chief work of the propaganda had to be carried on, and it was there also that the propaganda had the least effect. The principal instrument for the dissemination of the seed of separatist aspirations was the Solidaridad (See note 24). The Filipinos here, who gave their subscriptions and other sums of money for the support of the bi-monthly, were kept under the impression that the official organ was making a great noise in Madrid; but as it never reached the official world it was supposed to influence, its publication was practically useless. In the Philippines it served the same purpose as the La Independencia: that is, it served to keep alive the spirit of unrest, and by the lies it published, made the people believe that their leaders were going to lead them to a promised land which “flowed with milk and honey.” They eventually got into the promised land, only to find that the milk was very much “condensed”, and that the honey was only to be got after [163]those who secured it had been exposed to the very unpleasant operation of being stung by the bees which produced it.
Instead of serving to keep together the subjects and their rulers in a bond of peace and tranquility, and helping them to come to a mutual understanding, in which state the progress and advancement of the islands and their inhabitants could be the easier and the better accomplished, the separatist element, by their propaganda, caused more and more strife by attacking national institutions and by casting slurs upon national honor. The discontent stirred up against the Spanish authorities was identical to that which, until the passing of the law of sedition and even since that time, was stirred up against the American sovereignty. In its propaganda against the Religious Orders, inciting the native clergy against the lawful authority of their Bishops, it was the precursor of modern Manila’s American press. History tells us what was the result of the lessening of the moral influence of the Religious Orders in the days of Spanish rule, and to-day History repeats itself. The inciting of the native clergy against their Bishops is encouraging the natives, as a whole, to resist [164]lawful authority. The cry to-day is “down with the friar,” tomorrow it will be “down with the American.” In 1888 it was down with the Religious Orders, in 1896 it had become “death to all Spaniards”. In 1898 the American was blessed as a deliverer from oppression, in 1899 cursed as an intruder. To-day...? Who knows the opinion of the people? Who but a few ignorantes trust the great men of the late revolution?
In Spain the work of the separatists produced no effect upon the people; a few here and there of the least patriotic of the scum of Barcelona and Madrid aided them but apart from these and the Bible Societies, no one interested themselves in their cause.
Note 39. From the earliest to the latest days of the period of the revolt, that is from ’88 to ’98, this was one of the greatest obstacles to be overcome. Money was collected for propaganda in Spain and in Japan; what became of it all? Money was collected for the purpose of releasing or stealing away Rizal; what became of it? Funds were collected for the purchase of rifles and ammunition for the Katipunan, and, at the last moment, Andrés Bonifacio fled with [165]some 20,000 pesos. This continual squabble over the administration of the funds is a proof clear enough, of the existence of organized exploiters whose pockets were of more concern to them than were the interests of their country.
Note 40. It is almost needless to say that this latter was in the minority; later on Pilar suffered a marked change of temperament and became more decidedly separatist than Rizal. Rizal was willing to give the goose a chance to lay her golden eggs; Pilar becoming impatient killed the goose with the scheme of the Katipunan.
Note 41. “Previous to his return to Manila Rizal lived some time in Hong-Kong. From there he forwarded to Moises Salvador Francisco the statutes and instructions for the “Liga Filipina”.”—Testimony of the said Francisco. (fols. 1,138–1,143.)
Note 42. “It resulting that after some years of voluntary expatriation ... a Spanish citizen (Rizal) born in the Philippines, directed a first letter, dated some months back in Hong-Kong, to the superior Authorities, [166]offering his aid and assistance for the better government and progress of the Philippines, at the same time in which his latest book commenced circulation, for which reason no reply was given; and in a second letter dated in the month of May, in which, recognizing the policy of generous attraction, of morality and justice here implanted ... announced his intention of returning to his native soil to dispose, together with his friends, of the property they possessed, and to go with their families to found, in Borneo, a filipino agricultural colony under English protection....”
“A few days afterwards, the Spanish citizen ... disembarked with his sister in Manila....” (See also note 8.) Extracts from the Decree of Deportation issued against Rizal by Governor Despujols, 7th July 1892.
Note 43. “In the year 1892, Rizal being in Manila, recently arrived from Europe, several people of the country were gathered together, among them Andrés Bonifacio, Numeriano Adriano, Timoteo Paez and Estanislao Legaspi, in a wooden house in calle Dulumbayan, were a society known as the “Liga Filipina” was founded.” Testimony [167]of Valentin Diaz, native of Panay, Ilocos Norte.
“In May or June 1892 José Rizal reached Manila; and encharged by him, Paez and Serrano invited a large number of persons to gather on a certain day ... in the house of Doroteo Ongjungco where Rizal manifested to those present, among whom was the witness, that it was necessary to form an association which should be called the “Liga Filipina”, the object and of which should be the attainment of the separation of these islands from Spain.” Moises Salvador y Francisco (fols. 1,296–1,299).
“The reunion was called by Rizal, and the witness was invited by Timoteo Paez, who conducted him to the house of Doroteo Ongjungco.... That José Rizal addressed those present, manifesting the convenience of establishing an association under the name of the “Liga Filipina” with the object of collecting funds by different means, to the end of securing opportunely the independence of these islands”.... Testimony of Domingo Franco y Tuason (fols. 1299–1303).[168]
Note 44. It was not the aim which Rizal had in his mind, of delivering his country from disabilities but the manner in which he set to work to accomplish that end, to which objection must be raised. When a people suffer under the oppression of its rulers, all the world admires the man who rises to throw off the hateful yoke. But when the oppression is imaginary and when the so-called hero is but a marionette in the hands of political schemers who seek their own advantage under the shelter of a pretence to throw off a yoke which does not exist, one cannot admire the part played by the deluded “tool”. The emancipation from the mother-country was the key-note of the revolt. It was the aim of the Filipino freemasons, of the Liga Filipina, of the Compromisarios and of the Katipunan.
Note 45. Rizal was deported to Dapitan, in the island of Mindanao, by decree of Governor Despujols, part of which has been quoted in note 42. The decree goes on to say that, by reason of the fact that “the veil under which, up this present, he has succeeded in hiding his true intentions has been torn asunder,” ... “that he adduces no [169]other defence but useless denials, having recourse to throwing the blame of the discovery of the leaflets upon his own sister (see page 99)....”
“In fulfillment of the high duties which devolve upon me as your General and Vice Royal Patron ... I decree the following:...”
“1st: that José Rizal shall be deported to one of the islands of the south....”
“The responsibility of these vigorous measures which a painful duty imposes upon me, falls entirely upon those who by their imprudent aims and ungrateful proceedings come to disturb the paternal cares of this general government making the ordinate march of Philippine progress the more difficult.”27
“Manila, 7th July 1892.—Despujols.
Note 46. “In the month of April 1893, upon the initiative and invitation Juan Zulueta, now dead, and of Deodato Arellano, cousin of Marcelo del Pilar, a new gathering was called in the house of Deodato Arellano, with the object of establishing anew the Liga Filipina under the same bases and for the same ends....”[170]
Note 47. The determinate ends of the separatists have already been spoken of in note 3, which see.
Note 48. See note 102.
Note 49. “The object of the society (the Liga) is the establishment of shops, workshops, businesses, industries and even a bank if possible, with the end in view of collecting funds for an armed rising.”—Testimony of Juan Dizon Matanza, (fols. 1,132–1,138.)
Note 50. The ceremonies practiced by the Liga differed but little from those practiced by the Katipunan. The chief difference lay in the fact that the ceremonial of the Katipunan partook more of the grotesque, of the absurd, of paganism.
Pio Valenzuela in recounting the forms and ceremonies practiced upon his initiation, said:
“Once in the house28, they spoke of many things, en résumé, that the aim of [171]the association was to obtain the independence of the Philippines, oppressed and enslaved by the Spaniards. Placing, later on, a dagger at his breast, they obliged him to throw himself upon it, a thing which the witness could not pluck up courage enough to do; whereupon they placed it in his hand, leading him to a man whom he recognized to be seated, and ordered him (the witness) to strike him with the dagger, a thing which he dare not do either. He was then conducted into a room and addressed by a person he knew to be Bonifacio by the voice, who informed him that he could not retrace his steps because he knew of the existence of the society, but he could not assist at the juntas nor could they teach him the signs of recognition till he had been re-initiated; they moreover made him sign two sheets of blank paper, causing him to swear never to reveal the existence of the society to anyone, under the pain of assassination. They then removed the bandage which he was blindfolded and he saw around him eight or nine individuals dressed in cloaks and hoods; he signed the two sheets of paper and was again blindfolded and conducted to a considerable distance from the [172]house where the bandage was again removed.
Another member of the Katipunan in his declaration made on the 22nd of September 1896, stated that during the month of February 1893, one Sunday morning, a certain Estanislao Legaspi entered his store, telling him to accompany him in a calesa. He listened to tirades against the Spanish Government till their arrival at the house of a certain Tranquilino Torres, in calle Elcano. Here “his eyes were bandaged by Legaspi and he was handed over to the care of another individual who conducted him to the upper story of the house and made him sit down; he then heard a person whom he knew to be Legaspi by his voice speak, saying several things against the Spanish Government, demanding of him an oath of blind obedience, and a defense of the Philippines till the shedding of the last drop of his blood, threatening him with fearful punishments if he should turn traitor. This ceremony being terminated, his eyes were unbound and he saw, on a table, a skull which they made him kiss, and Legaspi handed him a lance commanding him to wound himself in the arm; but he felt a feeling of [173]faintheartedness come over him, and manifested to those present that he had not courage enough to wound himself and wished that the oath he had taken be enough; he was dispensed from the operation. When the bandage was removed the eight individuals composing the junta were masked with black hoods, but after he kissed the skull and attempted to wound himself they removed the hoods and he then recognized Estanislao Legaspi who presided, Mariano de Vera, Teodoro Plata and Juan de la Cruz who was a clerk of the Tabacalera, and who had led him upstairs; he did not know the other three. The witness paid two pesos as entrance fee promising to pay 50 cents monthly. He asked Legaspi what association it was, and he replied that it was the Liga Filipina.”
In the daily report of the secret police department made to General Blanco on the 30th of June 1896, is the following notice:
“Herewith is given translated most faithfully from Tagalog, the result of an interview held with a well-to-do indian who belonged to the most popular of the masonic lodges, who tried to draw into it a friend. Questioned upon certain affairs, he said: “In the masonic lodges of San Juan del Monte [174]and of Pandacan, the whole pueblo, rich and poor, is inscribed.”
“In the reunions the brethren attend blind-folded, and the chiefs with the face covered.”
“The person who desires to enter the lodge is obliged to have his face covered and his eyes bandaged in sign of blind obedience; the proofs are carried out and signature made as follows. The person receiving the initiated takes a dagger and gives it to him saying to him: do you swear to be steel like that which you hold in your hand and not to bend in the exigencies which oppress and vex us, and to labor in pro of the independence of your enslaved country? I swear answers the person to be initiated. Do you swear not to have father, mother, wife, child nor any relative but the revenging arm which shall sleep and live with you? I swear. They then surround him with arms of all classes and say to him: here is thy family, thy only work, and may it give thee thy life and open thy eyes for thy good of the country. They then make a small incision in the form of a cross in the right arm near the shoulder.”
“At present our meetings are held at night and in the most lonely fields, with [175]the object of not being surprised.”
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
“It is well known among us masons that Rizal is attributed with the faculty of being able to translate his person instantaneously from one point to another.”
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Note 51. Juan Castañeda testified on the 21st of September 1896 before the Chief Inspector of the Corps of Vigilance that “he was recommended to make the greatest amount of propaganda possible, of Japanese ideas in the pueblo of Imus.” The Japanese ideas here spoken of were those of the foundation of the Japanese protectorate.
Note 52. Money! money!! money!!! was the great cry in the majority of the masonic correspondence between the workers in Spain and those who had to supply the funds here. On the 8th of June 1892 Morayta wrote to bro∴ Panday-Pira informing him (a favorite custom of Morayta’s) that what was wanted was “money to invite journalists (to dine or take a drink) and to pay articles in the papers.” Morayta, probably with tears in his eyes, in ending his letter, heaves a [176]sigh, whilst his fingers itching for the touch of gold, nervously clutch the pen which scrawls these words: “if we only had here a good administrator with funds then you would see how we should advance!”
On the 22nd of June 1892 the secretary of the Gr∴ Or∴ Esp∴ wrote to the same explaining how “in a few meetings, a couple of banquets and a few presents made at the right time” much could be accomplished.
Note 53. Rizal had money troubles previously with Pilar in Madrid (see note 39). The excessive earnest and zeal displayed at the time of the foundation of the Liga by Rizal died away on his deportation. This zeal was owing to the captivating manner in which the founder demonstrated to his audience the brilliant future to be attained by such an undertaking. Rizal had the advantage of a ready oratory and like Bonifacio, drew his hearers to his cause in spite of themselves. And then again, the same as in masonry, the association was secret, and its true end and aim were but whispered; and whilst many of the associated were laboring to assist, as they thought, in the fomentation of the [177]culture and advancement of the country, they were in reality playing with the toy allotted to them by the society, whilst the chief members, those members best suited to be masons, as says the Gr∴ Sec∴ of the Gr∴ Or∴ Esp∴29, carried on the true work of the Liga. As in the lower degrees of any secret society, and of masonry in particular, the members are unaware of what is aimed at in the degrees to which they have not attained, to which all cannot attain, and the secrets of which are zealously guarded, so it was in the Liga.
Upon its re-establishment the Liga counted among its members several who aimed at the leadership. The absence of Rizal, deported to Dapitan, left open the door for unbridled ambition. Everyone wanted to be the head. This together with money troubles brought about considerable ill feeling between the absent founder and those continuing the work of the association. Rizal [178]had so far kept up a continual secret communication with the Liga, thanks to the liberty allowed him by his keepers in Mindanao, who guarded him with scandalous carelessness; and thanks also to the emissaries sent to him from Manila in search of instructions and advice. The result of the ill-feeling thus brought about was the rupture in official relations between the Liga and its founder.
Note 54. See note 39.
Note 55. One of the facts clearly developed in the trials of those suspected of treason, was that the guilty ones had taken the utmost care not to leave behind them traces of their work. This was principally the case with Rizal and the other chief workers of the revolt, and of those who formed the association of Compromisarios.
Note 56. Both Pedro and Francisco Roxas were honorary councillors of the Administration. On the 19th of September 1896 Blanco published the following decrees:
“In as much as Sr. D. Francisco Roxas, honorary councillor of the Administration [179]is found under process in the courts of law: in the use of the faculties in me invested, I decree that he cease from the exercise of his functions etc., etc.”
And on the 30th of September the following:
“In as much as the Excellent Sr. D. Pedro P. Roxas, honorary councillor of the Administration has been found under process in the courts of law, for rebellion; in the use of my faculties, etc., etc.”
Moises Salvador y Francisco testified (fols. 1138–1143) that “among the persons who sympathised with the cause and who aided it with their means for its realization, he remembered D. Pedro Roxas and D. Francisco Roxas ... (and others); and there existed in the provinces others whose names he could not remember.”
Domingo Franco y Tuason testified on the 30th of September 1896 (fols. 1332–1337) that “in another of the several interviews he had with Francisco L. Roxas, he asked him if in the circle of his relations (with the association) he counted with persons who had offered to aid the objects and ends of theLiga. Sr. Roxas replied: Yes. And in proof thereof he drew from a drawer in his [180]desk a record which he read, and among the names he read the witness remembered those of don P. Roxas and others.”
When Francisco Roxas found himself in danger of arrest, he attempted to flee to Hong-Kong, but was captured on board the ship which was to carry him there. From the ship he was conducted under arrest to the Comendancia of the Veterana where he remained several days, at the end of which he was transferred to the Fort of Santiago.
Francisco was a millionaire who had received from Spain a name and reputation superior to his personal merits, and yet in spite of all that the mother-country had done for him in raising him up to a position to which he could never have attained without her aid, he was found to have placed himself in thevanguard of the bitterest enemies of his country. He was the director of the workings of separatism and was the chief provider of arms for the revolt, as was testified by innumerable witnesses.30[181]
On the eve of his execution for treason Francisco penned the following abjuration:
“I, Francisco L. Roxas, on the eve of my death, in reparation for what in my words and actions may have offended my neighbor; for warning of others of my person and in order to satisfy my conscience, to the end that no one, and especially my children, fall into the net of freemasonry, or of any other secret society, all of which I detest and curse, and be not in a day to come ungrateful sons of our Mother Spain, beg pardon for all my faults and bad example.”
“I die in the Holy Roman Catholic Apostolic faith in which I was born and educated in a christian manner. I admit all that she admits and condemn all that she condemns.”
“This I sign with my own hand with entire liberty.”
Jany. 10th 1897 in Manila, Royal Fort of Santiago.—F. L. Roxas:—Witnesses: Antonio Pardo and Felix García.
On January 11th Gov. Gen. Polavieja telegraphed to Madrid as follows:
“Sentenced by council of War, to-day there have been executed (shot) twelve persons [182]guilty of treason ... among them Francisco Roxas, Councillor of Administration; Nijaga, Lieut. of native infantry; Villaroel, Villareal, Moises Salvador and others.”
Pedro Roxas was also a millionaire who inherited a good fortune, which, under the shelter of official protection multiplied considerably. Spain honored him with the grand cross of Isabela la Católica. Like Francisco he was a Councillor of Administration. He possessed a large estate in Nasugbu which, when the revolt broke out, became an insurgent hornet’s nest. There the rebels had a cannon, three falconettes and a large number of arms.
After having been deprived of his office by decree previously mentioned, Pedro Roxas secured in some way or other from Blanco, permission to go to Spain. On arrival at Singapore he landed and remained there. Later on he was defended in the Spanish Cortés by Sr. Romero Robledo31. In Manila, to those who could judge of the facts on the spot, this defence came as a thunderbolt. However, the Spanish paper El [183]Correo in the issue of August 15th said:
“The conduct of Sr. Roxas results satisfactorily cleared, so that no doubt remains in respect to his complete disconnection with the revolt.”
Among the separatist element Pedro Roxas was known as the Emperor Pedro I.
Note 57. Maximo M. A. Paterno was the father of the well known Pedro Paterno. Maximo was in his latter days the leading spirit of the celebrations held in honor of the amnesty proclaimed in 1900, by the late President McKinley. He died at the age of 76, just before the celebrations took place.
This amnesty celebration, like most things attempted by Filipinos alone, turned but a fiasco, the speeches which were to be delivered on the occasion not being in any way in keeping with the oath of allegiance taken by the speakers. The speeches contemplated were in advocation of practically the same thing as that for which the rebels had been keeping up an armed struggle, and so, when the U. S. Commission was invited by Pedro Paterno to be present thereat, it naturally was unable to accept the invitation.[184]
The whole celebration was an abortive attempt on the part of its organizers to antagonize the Military and Civil authorities. Mr. Taft, as president of the Commission, at first accepted the invitation extended, supposing the speeches to be given, had been censored by the proper authorities, at that time the military; but on finding that this was not so, he declined in the name of the other members of the Commission, and thus avoided the unpleasantness of being present at a banquet at which both the Military and the Civil authorities would be insulted and the Government of the U. S. defied.
On the 28th of July 1900, the day of the banquet, Mr. Taft on behalf of his fellow Commissioners, addressed a letter to Pedro Paterno on the subject. See Appendix J.
Pedro Paterno was one of those who for a considerable time refused to take the oath of allegiance; with him were others, Mabini in particular.
Maximo Paterno had received from Spain the Cross of Knight of the Royal and American Order of Isabela La Católica.[185]
Note 58. And others: Among the names mentioned in many of the documents I have consulted on the subject of the trials of those guilty of treason, I have frequently come across those of Linjap (Mariano), Chidian (Telesforo), Yangco (Luis R.), and others. Of this latter Domingo Franco was asked during his trial, if Luis R. Yangco had assisted at any reunion of the compromisarios, to which he replied that he (Yangco) had not assisted at any session (fols. 1381–1382).
As I have already remarked in another note, many of those charged with complicity in the affairs of the revolt were latter on proved to be innocent. That considerable number of the wealthy natives and half-castes sympathised more or less with the idea of greater liberality in government, is undoubtedly true, but that they extended their sympathies to the aims of the hordes of cut-throats led by Bonifacio is absurd.
The leading Filipinos and many insular Spaniards sighed for privileges which the Government of Madrid did not deem well to concede. To bring pressure upon the Government some of these combined to support in the metropolis, some of their number who [186]should keep up the work of agitation. This agitation however took a form displeasing to many, who thereupon ceased to lend it their aid and consent. But few of the leaders of the people, especially of the wealthy ones, desired to cut themselves adrift from Spain, and not till a few insignificant beings such as Aguinaldo, Bonifacio, Mabini, and Pilar (Pio del) and Buencamino came upon the scene did the idea of independence of the island really take form. A faint idea of such a thing as independence did exist formerly, but the enlightened Filipinos saw, only too clearly, the probable result.
The wealthy proprietors here cited, no doubt sympathised more or less with the Liga Filipina in its beginning, whilst it was under the complete control of its founder Rizal; but as the Liga lost the character given to it by Rizal, and underwent the change it did, it is only natural to suppose that many of its former supporters left it as they would a sinking ship. However the fact that they were identified with the original Liga seems to have been taken as a proof of their connection with the revolt. This is certainly the opinion expressed by Sr. Diaz.[187]
Note 59. Mactan is the name of the island upon which Magallanes, the famous explorer, met his death at the hands of the savage hordes who at that time peopled the land. Names of places and persons associated with the disasters suffered by Spain, were greatly admired among the separatists. Surely Mactan, an island peopled by savages at the time of its chief notoriety, and Mayon, the site of a destructive volcano, are very suitable names to give to such centers as were the popular councils of Trozo and Sta. Cruz.
Note 60. On the 30th of August 1895, the Civil Governor of Batangas asked of the commander of the Guardia Civil of Lemery, information concerning “persons in the pueblo of Taal who were distinguished for their separatists opinions”. The said commander replied that a report on all such persons would be unending, and proceeded to cite the case of Felipe Agoncillo to personify the said separatist element, as follows:
“Among the group of the chief ones and as chief of them, stands Felipe Agoncillo, proprietor and lawyer.” He then goes on to explain how Agoncillo imposed his will upon [188]every one in the pueblo, even upon the Municipality, no law or regulation sent even by the highest authorities going into force until it had been passed upon by him. “It would be difficult,” says he, “for me to collect any perfect proof of his anti-Spanish tendencies which are, however, self-evident to the Spanish element of this province.” This report, which was a sufficient warning of danger, was sent to the Gov. of Batangas on the 18th of September 1895. He immediately forwarded it to Gen. Blanco. About three months afterwards Blanco looked into the matter, circumstances demanding that some steps should be taken to preserve national honor; and he decided to deport six of the separatists as an example to the remainder. Of these six one was Agoncillo. This industrious filibuster had influential and watchful friends in Manila, who, upon seeing the turn things were taking, telegraphed him “Café en baja; fuera existencias.” This was warning sufficient and Agoncillo accompanied by Ramon Atienza succeeded in escaping.
On the 14th of April the Japanese Mail Steamer Hiorine left Manila. On this steamer Agoncillo fled, hidden it is said, in a coal [189]bunk. The Heraldo de Madrid of the 16th of September 1896, in speaking of the affair says: “Agoncillo gave the captain of the ship the sum of 350 pesos as gratification and on this account had placed at his disposal upon arrival at Kobe, a ship’s boat, whilst the remaining passengers had to hire their transportation.”
On the 2nd of May 1896, the secret police of Manila reported to Gen. Blanco, as follows:
“Notice is hereby given of the sailing for Japan of Felipe Agoncillo, property-owner of the province of Batangas, who goes to put himself at the disposition of the junta magna (in Japan), carrying with him some 80,000 pesos collected in Lipa, Taal and other pueblos, for the sustainment of anti-Spanish propaganda.”
Like most of the leaders of the separatist campaign, Agoncillo was astute. He partook of that peculiar trait of the native character: a sharpness of perception, a cuteness which one not acquainted with the indian would take for intelligence. An Indian will often do something remarkable, but in spite of its appearance of being an extraordinary action, a result of a well thought [190]out plan, it proceeds in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, from instinct rather from intelligence. Native peoples are more accustomed to use their common-sense than most of us and hence arises the fact, that frequently the Filipinohas outwitted both the military and the civil authorities. England learned this lesson in dealing with the Oriental in India, Spain learned it here, and America has yet to discover the same truth.
Mr. Wildman32, the late U. S. Consul at Hong-Kong, once affirmed of Agoncillo, “Sr. Agoncillo is a very intelligent and daring diplomat (the Government later on found him to be far more daring than intelligent), and could fill the position of chief of any department of State in any civilized country.” But then, it was nothing strange for Wildman to make such breaks![191]
Note 61. Among these honorable exceptions which Sr. Diaz says he has great pleasure in recognizing, might be mentioned several who were falselyaccused and whose names have gone down to the reading public in the works of various writers who wrote in good faith, branded with the mark of ingratitude which characterized and still characterizes so many natives and half-castes.
It gives a careful student of the subject more than passing pleasure to be able to give the lie to those who in their testimony classified as members of the infernal plot to “cut the throats of every Spaniard, without regard even to parentage”, the names [192]of some of the most prominent Filipinos of to-day, men who although they have not grovelled in the dust before the conqueror and accepted positions under the new Government, are more truly prominent than those who assert themselves as the “leaders” of the people.
Among these honorable exceptions there were many who although they came to form part of the so-called Revolutionary Government, did so only when Spanish rule had ceased to exist, and when the accepted opinion was that a government elected by the people would be recognized by the U. S. These, however, were never traitors to the mother country; they were men who treated Spain as every honorable man should treat his country. These were not men who changed their religion as they changed their clothes: to suit the occasion. They were not men who concealed their titles to freemason degrees, at the bottom of their trunks, and exposed them with pride upon the change of sovereignty. These men were never perjurers, never traitors. Born and raised in the bosom of the Catholic faith they remained faithful to it, and faithful to the traditions of the country which gave [193]them their political being; and it is with great pleasure that, with Sr. Diaz, I also can say, that I have great pleasure in recognizing these honorable exceptions, and in proof thereof have I dedicated this small historical sketch to them.
Note 62. Day by day the morality in the administration of the funds became worse, and so intense did the ill-feeling engendered by pride become, that the members forgot all about the fomentation of the culture and advancement of the country. Like a nursery full of willful children, they all wanted their own way, and when they could not have it, some cried: “now I shan’t play,” “now I’ll go and tell ma;” this perhaps was the chief cause of the dissolution of the association, for some did go and tell “ma;” and the wealthy members, and those who had anything to lose, were immediately overcome with abject fear lest “ma” should punish them with a good spanking.
“In the month of October 1893, the Superior Council becoming aware that some documents pertaining, to the Liga had been handed over to the offices of the General Government, the dissolution of the society [194]was determined.”—Testimony of Domingo Franco y Tuason. (fols. 1,299–1,303).
On the 25th of May 1896, notice was given by the secret police to Governor General Blanco, as follows:
“Notice is herewith given of the existence in Manila, of a Society named La Liga Filipina, to which are affiliated a large number of individuals....”
Note 63. The testimony given by many of the political prisoners as to the foundation, aims and work of the Compromisarios is somewhat conflicting. For instance: Antonio Salazar, (fols. 1,008–1,013) testified that on account of the mal-administration of the funds, “the subscription on behalf of La Propaganda ceased, and under the name of Compromisarios was founded an association composed of ... (here follow names of members), and seeing that they could not gather sufficient funds, they agreed to increase the subscription and seek persons to associate with them.”
On another occasion the same witness testified (fols. 1,014–1,018) that certain persons whom he named were the “Compromisarios, who were in communion with Marcelo [195](del Pilar), and who remitted money to him.” He also stated that “on account of the bad conduct observed in Madrid by Pilar, ... some of the Compromisarios refused to send him resources.”
In reply to a question as to the relationship between the Compromisarios and the Katipunan, he gave as his opinion, that “there could be no doubt that both societies aimed at the same end.” At fols. 1118–1129 the same witness affirmed that “as the partisans of Rizal and Pilar ... saw that neither masonry nor the Liga could hope for funds33, they formed the society of Compromisarios among wealthy persons of Manila and the Provinces.”
Domingo Franco affirmed that the outbreak of the revolt came as a great surprise to the Compromisarios.
As to the aims of the society, Moisés Salvador y Francisco is authority for the statement that: “in one of the juntas they treated of the provision of arms and other material of war; and it was agreed, moreover, [196]to gather funds for the said expenses, and as the junta replied that it was impossible at that time, a committee was appointed, composed of José Ramos, Doroteo Cortés and Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, to draw up a petition for the aid of Japan.”
Moisés also affirmed (fols. 1,296–1,299) that the Supreme Council of the Compromisarios was formed as follows:
President
Domingo Franco.
Secretary
Apolinario Mabini.
Treasurer
Bonifacio Arévalo.
Vocales
Numeriano Adriano.
Ambrosio Bautista.
Moisés Salvador.
Domingo Franco (fol. 1,299–1,303) testified that upon the dissolution of the Liga, and in the month of October 1894, there gathered together in a house of the witness, Numeriano Adriano, Apolinario Mabini, Isidoro Francisco, Deodato Arellano and the witness, and it was decided to constitute the association known as the Compromisarios, endeavouring to gather as many as forty members, each paying a monthly subscription [197]of 5 pesos, for the sustainment of the La Solidaridad.
The same witness also testified (fols. 1,332–1,337) that “The Liga and the Katipunan were constituted in three groups, viz.: the Supreme Council or the aristocracy, under the presidency of Francisco L. Roxas; the Compromisarios or middle classes, divided into juntas or local councils.... The thirdaggregation was the Katipunan under the presidency of Andrés Bonifacio, and was composed of the lower classes.
From all this we gather that the association of Compromisarios was founded with the idea of collecting funds to continue the work commenced by masonry and the Liga. The association was, practically, a committee formed to take up the work of the Liga, but formed in such a manner as to avoid suspicion, and all compromise with the late Liga. In its formation, its duties and its methods, it differed from both the Liga and from the Katipunan, but whilst differing from them it formed a tie between them, carrying on a work which the Katipunan could not carry on of itself. The Liga died; and itsmantle fell upon the Compromisarios. This society inspired, [198]watched over and protected the labor of its successor, the Katipunan, the fighting machine of the separatist or filibuster element.
Note 64. The idea which appeared to pervade the minds of the so-called progressive Filipinos was that with a code of laws á la Europea, the adoption of some or other new fangled idea imported from France, Germany or anywhere but the Peninsular, the Filipino would immediately attain the advancement and culture enjoyed among the Japanese. To anyone not acquainted with either the Filipino or the Japanese, such an idea might be acceptable; but no student of Oriental races, nor even the mere casual observer of these two peoples, would venture to predict than even with all the advantages of modernism the Filipino now enjoys, will he, as a people, attain to such a state of culture as that enjoyed by the sons of the Empire of the Rising Sun even in a hundred years.
Among the European peoples the progress of civilization and regeneration was slow but it was none the less decisive. Among Orientals it is, as a rule, quick but not lasting. Among almost all Oriental peoples [199]the rising generation is bright and gives signs of great possibilities; but these youths after having passed with honors through college and university, too often end their lives as they began them—as children. What the Oriental lacks is stability. Nothing is more common in the Philippines than to find that your cook or coachman has completed four-fifths of his studies as lawyer, doctor or something else. The Filipino who has reached the age of thirty and has not, in these days, been bata34 in a convent or with a private family, been cochero, cook, collector of accounts for some business house, letter-carrier, postman, policeman, musician in a church choir, fireman, and connected with a few other employments of more or less importance, is by no means a rara avis, to say nothing of the many who have also been majors and generals in the insurgent “army”, and without stopping to consider a pair of very prominent natives who from batas in the University of Sto. Tomás [200]have, after a series of political intrigues, risen to positions of law-tinkers over a people, the vast majority of whom hate and despise them.
As a matter of fact the very best of the filipino politicians and other local men of fame, bright, learned and progressive though they be, would count but little side by side with the foremost sons of the Flowery Kingdom. To find in Yokohama, or even in Nagasaki or Kobe, or any other city of Japan, a hundred Rizals, a hundred Pilars (Marcelos, Pios or Gregorios), a hundred Apacibles, or Mabinis, or Aguinaldos, or Buencaminos or Taveras would be an easy task. But to find in the Philippines a Marquis Ito, a Mutsu, a Yamata or a Matsugata,—that is the question.
And why? Because at the time when Spain discovered these islands, finding the people in a state of social and moral degradation, without formal government or any social organization beyond the tribal system (and that but limited) common to almost all savage peoples, the Japanese had already counted with more than 1000 years of more or less stable government, always organized, and with a social organization [201]and a firm national unity. The people of Japan, at that time, cultivated the arts and sciences, enjoyed the fruits of prosperous industries and of external commerce. They had a religion and a language which could be written and understood when written. Three hundred years ago, when the Filipinos were just commencing to learn the difference between man and beast, the Japanese was enjoying a relative civilization not yet attained by the Chinese, much less by the partisans of the separatist leaders of Luzon and the Visayas.
No country has ever done for her colonial children what Spain did for the Filipinos during the three centuries she held control over the Archipelago; and yet how far are the people from the state of culture of the Japanese! Well might the leaders of the people look to Japan as a model!
Note 65. Domingo Franco (fols. 1,332–1,337) testified that on a certain day “he went to see Francisco L. Roxas and asked him if it were certain that he had been to the house of Cortés, and had arranged matters in respect to the Commission which should go to Japan; to which Sr. Roxas [202]replied, yes; and that it was agreed that Cortés should go, commissioned to ask of the Japanese Government, help and protection for these islands, (the FilipinoGovernment) handing over as a guarantee, one of the islands near Luzón, which the witness believed to be Mindoro on account of its large size and small population.
“Antonio Salazar (fol. 1,118–1,129) stated that “of the junta of compromisarios there formed part: Cortés, Español and Ramos, who were then in Japan petitioning that Empire to aid them with arms, ships and money....”
Isabelo de los Reyes, in telling the Governor General, Primo de Rivera, what he affirmed to be the truth of the situation in 1897, stated that “the Filipinoburguesses had nominated a commission composed of Doroteo Cortés, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, José A. Ramos and Marcelo H. del Pilar, the latter of whom died in Barcelona whilst on his way to Japan. This commission had for its object the securing of the protection of that empire; Cortés, as president, gathered funds to sustain Ramos and Isabelo Artacho Vicos, who were his agents in that country.”[203]
Note 66. Antonio Salazar (fols. 1,008–1,013) testified that “The year previous he met Timoteo Paez in Calle Echague, and enquired of him if he had moved his residence to Quiapo; Paez replied that he had transferred the members of his family to a house of strong materials, not wishing to leave them in a nipa35 house in Tondo, as he was going to Singapore, and after encharging the witness to preserve secrecy, told him that he was going there to engage a steamer which was to make a trip to Dapitan to steal away Rizal from that place; moreover that the date upon which Paez went to Singapore might be known by enquiring at the house of Echeita and Co., where the said Paez was engaged, and which conceded him permission to go.”
On another occasion this same individual testified (fols. 1,118–1,129) that “the Compromisarios agreed to employ the sum (of money gathered for another purpose) for the purpose of aiding the stealing away of [204]the person of Rizal from Dapitan, for which purpose they sent it (the money) to Timoteo Paez, at Singapore that he might engage a steamer which should go to Dapitan; and as they could not realize the undertaking, they sent the money to José Baza who lived in Hong-Kong, and Baza sent the money to Sandakan (in Borneo) so that a ship might be engaged there for the purpose.
On the 13th of January 1895, the Gr∴ Pres∴ of the Gr∴ Cons∴ Reg∴, bro∴ Musa, gr∴ 18, wrote to the lodge Modestia, as follows:
“A∴ L∴ G∴ D∴ G∴ A∴ D∴ U∴
A la Resp∴ Log∴ Modestia No. 199.
S∴ F∴ U∴
Ven∴ Maes∴ Pres∴
“Our very beloved bro∴ Dimas-Alang (José Rizal, see foot-note, page 47), who for some time has been, as you know, expiating in Dapitan, faults he has not committed36, [205]is authorized to change his residence, under the condition that it be in some part of Spain and not in the Archipelago.”
“Together with this notice we have received another that the said bro∴ lacks absolutely the resources for such a long voyage ... etc.”
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
“In virtue of this, I write to you that, bearing in mind what I have explained, you may arrange to be collected from the members, the pecuniary aid they wish and are able to contribute for the meritorious work in question.”
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Gr∴ Pres∴, Muza.
José Dison Matanza testified (fols. 1,132–1,138) that “the Secret Camara of the Katipunan gathered together and decided upon another plan, which was, as Bonifacio told the witness, to embark a large number of people as passengers on a ship which was to go to Dapitan; and these when they were upon the high seas, were to surprise the crew and take possession of the ship; they should then steal away Rizal from Dapitan and take him wherever they could.”[206]
Note 67. If elsewhere in the history of the workings of separatism in the Philippines, proof were wanting of the cruel deceit practiced by the filibuster leaders upon the ignorants who formed the mass of the secret associations of masonic origin, here in this instance it would be found in abundance. Taking the whole question of the part played by Japan or by individual Japanese in the separatist movement from beginning to end I am strongly of the opinion that the supposed assistance, whether in the form of arms and ammunition, or in that of financial or moral support was a deliberate imposture, and that those credulous persons who contributed with their hard-earned money towards the sums said to have been utilized for propaganda in Japan, were defrauded, not only out of the money they gave to the funds, but also of what they might legitimately hope for as a result of the expenditure of the said funds. It is a well known fact that the hopes of the people were kept up by many statements which were absolutely unfounded37; [207]the assertions of Cortés, Ramos and others who performed the duties of the embassy to Japan, were most probably of this nature.
The person who, during the trials of those accused of treason, gave the most interesting testimony relative to this matter, was Juan Castañeda. He affirmed that “on account of family troubles, and for questions arising from losses at gambling, and in view of his having robbed his mother, he decided to leave for Hong-Kong, embarking on the SS. Esmeralda, on the 31st of July 1895”38. He went on to describe how he there [208]met his friend, the native ex-priest Severo Buenaventura; how the said Buenaventura initiated him into the secrets of freemasonry, and how this native ex-priest had been himself initiated by Ambrosio Flores39. That they later on decided to go to Japan sailing on the SS. Natal. That on their arrival at Yokohama they lodged at the house of José Ramos, where there also lived Artacho. “During the first days of their stay Ramos and Artacho seemed to look upon them with want of confidence, and hid from them their conversations.” He affirmed also that among the visitors to the house of Ramos were a Mr. Hirata, a professor of law, intermediary between Ramos [209]and Prince Konoy, resident in Tokyo, and also, a Mr. Yósida, merchant. He stated also that “to excuse their frequent absence, Ramos and Artacho assured him that they had been to Tokyo to interview the dignitaries of the Empire, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the count of Tokogana, one of the ministers who had been Japanese ambassador to the court of Italy. Ramos assured them that, with these Japanese politicians they were arranging the securing of the independence of the Philippines, to which end the Japanese offered to land here 100,000 rifles with their ammunition, the cost of which should be paid for in a fixed number of years ... etc., etc.”
Isabelo de los Reyes40 says on this point:
“According to what is said, Ramos interviewed, on several occasions, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the Count of Tokogana, who was then a minister. These gentlemen, it seems, were sympathizers [210]with the idea of our independence under the protectorate of Japan, as in Korea, and that they proposed, as a means of gaining it, the fomentation of Japanese immigration in the Philippines, and that when once this was attained, the seeking of a conflict with Spain.”
Further on he states that: “Some days before the insurrection broke out, Isabelo Artacho brought me a letter from José A. Ramos, in which he gave me an account of the efforts they were exerting to influence the leading politicians of Japan, to the end that they should aid us to secure our independence. Artacho told me verbally the details and that he knew that the liberal party of Japan, which then was the opposition, sympathized with the idea, and proposed as a means of attaining it, the seeking of a cause of conflict with Spain, introducing Japanese emigrants to that end.”
Moisés Salvador (fols. 1,138–1,143) stated that according to letters received by Bonifacio Arévalo from Cortés and Ramos, these two had been received by the Japanese minister of foreign affairs, to whom they expounded the object of their journey; and as the minister asked them what money they [211]had to cover the expenses of the enterprise, they replied that they would pay their way with the money they should seize, pertaining to the Religions Orders and to the Treasury41; and being satisfied, the Japanese minister told them they might prepare themselves, for he would send them arms in June or July, to the coast of Luzon, to be disembarked near the island of Polillo....”
That the separatists hoped for, and aimed to secure the aid of Japan is certain; many testified to the fact; but this testimony was more or less hearsay. Certain leading separatists went to Japan to concoct the scheme and were, no doubt, listened to by some more or less prominent persons. This is all the more probable when we remember that the credentials carried by the Commission took the form of a petition signed by some 22,000 Filipinos, that is, it bore that number of signatures.42[212]
The work of propaganda carried on by certain Filipinos cannot be called into question; but what is very uncertain is whether or not the Japanese extended the wished and hoped for assistance. To be received in interview, and to be heard with attention, are two very different things. A father listens to the idle prattle of his child, but the childish words leave no other impression on his mind than their cuteness merits at the time. This is probably what occurred between Cortes and Ramos and the so-called “official” element of Japan.
Notes 68 and 69. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582–605) that “in the month of May, a student of Law Daniel Aria y Tirona, came to his house and invited him to go to salute the commander of the Japanese cruiser [213]the Kongo43. That at an hour fixed, there gathered at the Bazar44, with the witness, Andrés Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, José Dizon and others, who were received by the commander of the cruiser with an air of indifference, and of apparent ridicule.... Bonifacio saluted and welcomed him to the islands, offering his services. The commander replied, thanking them and inviting them to take a voyage to Japan to visit the towns of that country, and enjoy its beautiful climate. Later on they directed a letter to the Commander, Jacinto drawing it up and Bonifacio, Dizon and himself and others signing it; its text was a salutation to the Emperor and Empress of Japan, and a manifestation of a desire to form a part of the said Empire, etc.... With the letter were presented twelve water-melons45 sent by Emilio Aguinaldo, capitan municipalof Cavite Viejo, and a quantity of mangoes purchased by Cipriano Pacheco, and also a picture.”
José Dizón Matanza questioned on the [214]same subject, affirmed (fols. 1,132–1,138) that he was invited to the “Bazar Japonés,” to salute and welcome the commander of the cruiser (Kongo).... When he arrived they gave him iced water.... About an hour afterwards there arrived an officer of the ship who said he was the doctor, and soon after the commander arrived; all saluted him.... On the evening of the same day Bonifacio, Valenzuela and the witness went to Nagtajan to the house where lived the Japanese who kept the Bazar.... Bonifacio told them they had a letter to give them. Three or four days later on, Valenzuela presented himself at the house of the witness with a letter in Tagalo which read more or less as follows: (here follows what the witness remembered of the letter.) Bonifacio signed it as president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, Jacinto as secretary, Valenzuela as Fiscaland the witness with the name of José Talin.... After the departure of the Commander, the witness enquired of Bonifacio what result the letter had obtained, Andrés replying that the Commander had taken a copy of it, returning [215]the original, because the persons signing it were not representative; but that the said officer was very pleased with the pictures given in the name of the Katipunan, and with the melons and mangoes sent from Cavite.”
Isabelo de los Reyes affirms that: “When the Japanese cruiser Kongo visited the port of Manila in May 1896, the Supreme Council of the Katipunanwent to salute its commander in the upstairs of the Bazar Japonés, situated in the plaza del Padre Moraga, and handed him a manuscript setting forth their desire for the aid and assistance of Japan towards the gaining of independence for the Philippines. They also offered him a picture and some native fruits.”
“The commander received them well and even regaled them with iced drinks and coffee, but did not dare to accept the document, limiting himself to the taking of a copy of it and promising to transmit their desires to the Emperor; he also invited them to make a voyage to his country. Nothing has since been heard of the commander.”
So much for the testimony given concerning the Kongo and its commander.
Information I have obtained from Japanese [216]semi-official sources on this point, shows that the Kongo steamed into Manila bay in 1896 in the same manner as it did recently, on a non-official visit. As was customary, the Japanese Commander and other officers visited the Japanese Bazaar in Plaza Moraga as well as other Japanese business houses. The Bazar Japonés was a center to which friends and acquaintances gathered to salute the visiting officers. Upstairs were prepared iced drinks, etc. for those who cared to take them. Bonifacio and others, uninvited, walked in and presented themselves and their petition and offerings. The latter the commander accepted; the petition he did not accept: in this he showed good sense. As to the supposed copy which he promised to take, evidence goes to show that it was not taken, but that the said commander merely made a few notes of it on a scrap of paper. The proprietors of the Bazar ridicule the idea that the commander favored the petition or received the so-called commission with pleasure; their opinion is that to which any investigator of the affair would come, that the Commander was a gentleman and did not wish to hurt the feelings, by his refusal, of even such ignorantes as those who [217]at that time forced themselves upon him.
Note 70. The idea that the Liga was but an introduction to the Katipunan is not borne out by the facts of the case. The Liga Filipina was a foundation of Rizal, whilst the Katipunan was a conception of Pilar who, finding Rizal was carrying all before him, determined not to be out-done by his former companion. The very fact of the enmity existing between the two leaders is proof enough that the two societies were not one and the same thing, although after their foundation they walked arm in arm. The Liga, as an association, was eventually dissolved, and from it was formed theCompromisarios (see note 63) and this body continued its functions till the outbreak of the revolt. The vicissitudes of the Liga did not lessen Rizal’s influence. Ever ready to tell a lie or act one if it were to his own advantage, Rizal permitted the free use of his name in connection with the Katipunanalso. To the vast majority of the oath-bound, the Katipunan was but the Liga under another form; and in order that the people should not know of the rivalry existing between himself and Pilar, Rizal [218]gave no signs of disfavor towards the foundation of the new society; in fact he rather favored it, seeing that under the circumstances it would make him figure as its “hero,” and he would thus be enabled to take the wind out of Pilar’s sails. The only objection raised by Rizal to the work of the Katipunan, was that which he made to Valenzuela: that the time had not yet come for armed rebellion.
As long as he held supreme influence Rizal was satisfied; but as the separatist element was becoming weary at the long absence of its “Moses” and had begun to worship the “calf” (not a golden one, by the way) “Moses” got angry and threw down, in disgust, the “tables of the law.”
In its beginning, Rizal was the idol of the Katipunan, in the same way as Morayta (note 13) was the idol of the rebellious Filipinos in Madrid, and others parts of the Peninsular. Isabelo de los Reyes46 would have us believe that the foundation of the Katipunan was a result of the indignation of the people, consequent upon the deportation of Rizal. This, in the face [219]of facts, is a very poor argument and demonstrates either the ignorance or the bad faith of Reyes. And he himself contradicts it a few lines further on by saying “that without knowing Rizal, the Katipunan acclaimed him its honorary President.” This latter they certainly did but not “without knowing” him. They did so because they knew nothing of his disagreement with Pilar, the real founder of their society, and because the aim of the two societies was practically one.
Note 71. The similarity of character between the Liga and the Katipunan has always been a matter of discussion. Some writers would draw a hard and fast line between the two, considering them as oil and water, two bodies enemies one of the other; others looking upon them as two oils, the one vegetable and the other mineral which, although differing in nature, mix together thoroughly.
Reyes, in his oft-quoted “Memoria” to the then Gov. General, Primo de Rivera, in a mad attempt to prove that the insurrection was owing to the “friars” and that they attempted to invent the Katipunan plot to cover up their treason, says:[220]
“Above all, the friars committed the criminal and suicidal infamy of calumniously including in the Katipunan the millionaire and aristocratic element, and the middle classes, the fact being that they had nothing in common with the plebeian association which they not only despised for its low condition, but which the few who knew of its existence must have hated, if not for egotism, for the socialistic tendencies of the said group.”
Such assertions scarcely deserve comment, for from beginning to end, the proceedings against the separatists were in the hands of the civil authorities, the members of the Religious Orders having no influence whatever in the matter, although it was they who, by their watchfulness over the interests of the country had detected symptoms which they, as true patriots, made known to the civil authorities. True it is also that a friar, Padre Mariano Gil, made known, at a critical moment, the plot of the diabolical society, in time to prevent the bloodthirsty fiends rising in a night and cutting the throats of those who had been their benefactors; but the “friar” was never a secret service agent of the Government. [221]What he did was what every patriotic Spaniard would have done under the circumstances. It was the civil authorities who, upon the discovery of the plot, caused the arrest of those complicated, and who tried and passed judgement upon the guilty. If millionaires and others were counted among the members of the Katipunan it was because they were guilty of the same treason as the katipuneros and not because they were “included” by the “friar”.
“... Association which they not only despised for its low condition, but which the few who knew of its existence must have hated, if not for egotism, for the socialistic tendencies of the said group.”
So says Isabelo de los Reyes, the founder of the late Filipino Democratic Party, and the Workman’s Democratic Union, the most socialist movement in the history of the Philippines. So much for the Liberty, Equality and Fraternity which they all professed.
Another writer, C. de Valdez, a nom-de-plume under which I recognize as hidden one whose knowledge on this subject was very extensive, who for the study of the [222]question had at his disposition innumerable documents of vital importance, gives as his opinion: “It has been said that the Liga was a society into the which there entered only elements of a certain culture, and the people of money; whilst the Katipunan was formed for the poor and laboring classes. If by this it is intended to signify that they were two close societies, the one which should comprehend what we might call the aristocracy and the other the common people, we cannot agree with the opinion, because it is in contradiction with the facts. There existed a free communication between both societies and the prominent personages of the Liga mixed with the humble ones of the Katipunan, taking active part in the labors and forming part of the reunions and assemblies47; [223]in the same way the individuals of common class entered the files of the Liga without any distinction of class being drawn between them.”
The writer goes on to show that the three main things needed for the Revolution were 1st: an active propaganda of separatist ideas; 2nd: funds to cover expenses and to purchase arms, and 3rd: a considerable number of persons ready to take up arms in the field. The first two of these main things were to be attended to by the Liga and the third by the Katipunan.
“In the greatest utility in attaining the ultimate end of the initiators and directors of the conspiracy, must be sought the distinction between the Liga and the Katipunan, and the difference which the one or the other society enjoyed.”
“In all other things, both societies, or both organisms of the same society, co-exist, and display their activity jointly, the campaign of the Katipunan or that of the Liga being the most active; according as the necessities with which the one or the other were preferentially encharged to satisfy the final triumph of the revolt, might be of the greatest urgency or immediate utility.”[224]
The fact is that the Liga and the Katipunan were the distinct foundations of two personal enemies, both of whom wished to hold for himself the position of supreme chief of the movement. (See note 70).
D. Manuel Luengo, Civil Governor of Manila, in a report to the Minister of Foreign affairs, speaking on the subject of the Katipunan, says:
“To carry to a head their fearful and criminal idea, they found it necessary to recruit many people of all classes and from all the provinces, seeking a useful means to facilitate the conjuration. And the indian being by reason of his ignorance and his barbarianism, like all peoples of his kind, easily fanaticised, they set to work to fanaticise the masses, these hordes of childish people, these ignorant laborers; and they fanaticised them by means of thepacto-de-sangre, making them swear war to the death to Spaniards, practicing an incision in the left arm, and with the blood which flowed from the wound made them sign their frightful oath.”
“The masonic attributes discovered, and the “apron”48 upon which appeared the [225]head of a Spaniard suspended by the hair, by the hand of a criminal indian, whilst with the other hand a dagger was plunged into the throat, evidenced, in a notorious manner, that this Society was found well provided with masonic rites.”
Note 72. Deodato Arellano, Bonifacio, Dina and Plata, it will be remembered, were energetic workers of the Liga. They had entered into the scheme of Rizal’s association before Pilar’s idea of a similar society had become known. Two months or so after the foundation of the Liga, at the time when its founder was deported to Dapitan, it was decided to take up Pilar’s project and see what could be done towards carrying it to a successful issue.
José Dizon y Matanza (fols. 1,129–1,131) testified that “on the same day in which General Despujols ordered the publication in the Gaceta of the deportation of Rizal, there gathered in a house in calle Ilaya, Bonifacio, Arellano, Valentin Diaz, Teodoro Plata, Dina and the witness; and they agreed to form a society to be known as the Katipunan, the object and ends of which were to be filibusterism, or, in other words, the [226]liberty of the country from Spanish rule; the six persons present immediately proceeded to perform upon themselves the incision of the pacto-de-sangre, signing with their own blood a blank paper, placing after the signature, the symbolic name each chose for himself. They then drew up the programme of the Society. Thisprogramme was composed of 6 articles, viz.: 1st: to constitute a secret society known as the Katipunan; 2nd: that the organization was to be by triangles, to the end that no more than three members should know one another; 3rd: that the initiated should pay one real entrance fee, and a half realas a monthly subscription; 4th: that as the number of the members increased they should found one or more balang̃ay in each district; 5th: to try to gather funds to carry out the purposes of the society; 6th: that when the opportunity occurred they should reform these articles.
They also agreed upon the form of oath which should be taken by the initiated, which was to promise to shed even the last drop of blood for the liberty of the Philippines.
The Katipunan was founded upon masonic usage adapted to the character of the association. [227]Its formation was one of triangles, each new Katipunerobeing bound to attract to the association, two others to occupy the opposite angles. This formation was eventually changed on account of the extent to which the society extended, its management becoming very difficult. The particular triangles were broken up and the association formed in three degrees. The first degree was composed of the recently initiated members. These each possessed a mask and some form of arm, either fire-arm or bolo, the cost of which was borne by the member possessing it. The members who enjoyed the second degree also possessed masks and wore as a regalia a ribbon to which was attached a medal bearing a letter (equivalent to K) of the old-time form of script of the pre-Spanish filipino; also a sword and bannercrossed.
The third degree members possessed red masks, the color being distinctive of the degree, in the same way as the color of the second degree was green, and that of first, black. These colors were symbolic: green signified hope, and red, war. Black was but a general color common to bandits all the world over. The masks of the third degree [228]bore a triangle with three K’s in the upper part, in the ancient Filipino script, and at the base the letters Z∴ Ll∴ B∴ (see at commencement of book). The inferior inscription signified “sons of the people.”
Each degree had its pass words and the members only knew those of their own degree.
This was the latter form of the Katipunan in which it differed somewhat from the Liga.
Pilar’s plan was revolutionary; Bonifacio’s truly anarchistic.
Among the “chosen people” who testified before the Schurman Commission were two of the three native members of the present U. S. Commission, Tavera and Legarda. Both of these, among many other statements which will not hold water, had something to say on the subject of the Katipunan.
Legarda stated that: (see Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900; vol. II page 377.)
“This Society of Filipinos (the separatist element) united itself to the masonic society in Spain, and they established branches here; and this masonic society which was a true masonic society with all the characteristics [229]of Masonry, converted itself afterwards into the Katipunan society. This society, the Katipunan, made great progress here in the Philippines, for they had to do greatly with the common people; they never had anything to do, or mixed at at all, with the higher class of people here in the Philippines49. As a result of this the society gained much credit and power, and undermined the forces which were in existence, especially the native regiments of Tagalogs. This was in 1896; the Revolution broke out at San Juan del Monte in August. A curious fact that must be noted was that a friar, who was the priest of Tondo, was the cause of its breaking out; for Gen. Blanco knew of this movement of the people and what was going on50, and was in favor of making concessions to the people. This friar denounced the society, for he had a very intimate friend [230]who was a filipino, and he caused this friend to be introduced into the Katipunan society51, and this friend afterwards became the leader of the revolution himself. This Filipino was named Andrés Bonifacio, and later on he was chief of the revolution and chief of the Katipunan society. He took refuge in Cavite, and all that province rose up. Aguinaldo who was Municipal Captain in Cavite Viejo that time, was also a member of theKatipunan. When he heard that the Civil Guard was going to arrest him, he revolted too. He met a man who was his superior in the society—that is, Bonifacio—and as his ambition was his moving spirit, he caused Bonifacio to be shot.”
Tavera gave his opinion as follows: (see same Report, page 399. Vol II).
“The conviction was strong among the Filipinos that they would not succeed in attaining anything by any other means than force. This being the case, the idea occurred to some Filipinos to found a system of masonry here. There were some lodges of the masonic order here, and the idea presented [231]itself to form a sort of political masonry, which was created and called the Katipunan. This Katipunan society was naturally a secret society and had, I think, about 400,000 members, principally in the Tagalog provinces and of the people of the valley of the Pasig River. I think in Manila and in the valley of the Pasig there were 80,000, naturally, as there were so many, and as they were so strong, the idea of a revolution was a natural consequence. The principal agitator of all this movement was a man named Andrés Bonifacio, who stirred up and directed it. The political movement in the Philippines was started, as was natural, by the aristocracy of wealth and of intelligence, but the Katipunan society was formed entirely of the elements from the lowest class of society. Bonifacio was a man without education. He was employed in one of the business houses at a small salary, of perhaps $30 or $40 (Mexican) a month. They went on arranging their affairs very quietly and very secretly, awaiting a proper moment for action, which they believed would be the time of General Blanco’s departure from the Philippines. Gen. Blanco was a man who was well thought [232]of here52, for he had a great deal of tolerance for the people53. He did tolerate masonry, and they believed that he also tolerated the existence of the Katipunan society. One day the priest of Tondo, Padre Gil, through the confession of a woman54, learned of the existence of the Katipunan society, for the woman’s husband was a member55. This Father Gil informed the General, so the Katipunan society was discovered.
As the reader can easily see for himself there is considerable difference between the statements of these two persons; a comparison of these with the real facts of the case will [233]show how easy it is for a certain element to distort truth when it serves its purpose. I have quoted these two “chosen” people, not that their statements may go down to posterity as history (which has been distorted sufficiently), but because both Tavera and Legarda formed part of Aguinaldo’s mock government—the Filipino Commune; and therefore both of them had plenty of occasion to know the real facts of the case, facts they evidently desired, for some reason, to distort.
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